Polygamy in Utah, 1880
Related Posts: Utah Polygamy and Divorce – 1880 to 1930; Divorce in 1890 Utah: Signs of Polygamy; Marriage in 1890 Utah: Very Normal
In this post I estimate the number of men and women living in polygamy in Utah in 1880 using data from the 1880 census and other sources.
I have estimated that in 1880 there approximately 9,000 persons in polygamous marriages in Utah. About 6,500 wives and 2,500 husbands. This is approximately 25% of married Mormon women and about 13% of married Mormon men. However, the total number could easily be closer to 10,000.
I also conclude that the census data by itself is not sufficient for estimating the number of persons living in polygamy. Other data is required. This conclusion is based on the fact that the married female to married male ratio for Utah from the 1880 and 1900 census’ were outliers. However, in 1890 it was nearly 1.0 (Figure 4), which means that in 1890 nearly all women in polygamous relationships were concealing their marital status, probably to protect their husbands and children. I believe that in the 1880 census nearly two thirds of women in polygamous relationships concealed their marital status.
These results should be qualified with polygamy studies from Utah’s earlier history. It is appears that during the 1860’s quite possibly more than 50% of married LDS women in Utah were polygamous wives.
Continue reading
Utah Polygamy and Divorce – 1880 to 1930
Related Posts: Divorce in 1890 Utah: Signs of Polygamy; Polygamy versus Democracy; Edmunds Act (1882); Edmunds-Tucker Act (1887); Idaho Test Oath; Marriage in 1890 Utah: Very Normal
Summary: I promised another post on divorce and I finally have enough data to write about. So here it is. (This just keeps getting more and more interesting.)
I have analyzed census data from 1880, 1890, 1900, 1910, 1920, and 1930. I restricted the analysis to the white, 15 and older population for the states and territories of the lower 48 states.
In 1880 Utah’s female divorce rate was the third highest in the US, only New Mexico and Nevada are higher. From 1880 to about 1910 Utah’s female divorce rate steadily decreases while the rest of the US tends to increase. From 1910 to 1930 Utah’s female divorce rate rapidly increases, following the national trend. The male divorce rate from 1890 to 1930 follows the national trend.
When looking at the difference in percent male and percent female divorce rates we see that in 1880 Utah had the second highest difference in the US, only Nevada is higher. Utah’s over 15 male to female ratio in 1880 was about 1.1 while Nevada’s was almost 2.5. Utah had a population of 143,964 compared to Nevada’s 62,266. From 1890 and 1900 Utah had the highest difference in male and female divorce rates in the United States. By 1910 Utah’s male and female divorce rate difference was the second only to Colorado. By 1920 Utah had the second highest divorce rate difference, only California was higher. By 1930 the difference in Utah’s male-female divorce rate was equal to the US third quartile.
Because the male and female divorce rates for US states and territories are correlated better than 89% two factor plots provide some additional insight. When the female divorce rate is plotted against the male divorce rate Utah stands out from the national trend for 1880, 1890, and 1900. For 1910 and 1920 it stands out a little. By 1930 Utah is well within national trends.
The only explanation I can see for this is polygamy. It appears that polygamy increased Utah’s female divorce rate noticeably above national trends. And this effect lasted for 20 years after the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints officially stopped polygamy in 1890, maybe longer.
The value of this goes beyond academic interest. It can also relate to the gay marriage debate currently going on in the US Supreme Court. If the state can ban polyamorous unions then why not same sex marriage. From this data we can see quite objectively that polygamy increases the female divorce rate. I’m not going to get into that debate now but you can hear the supreme court arguments here and here.
Continue reading...
Divorce in 1890 Utah: Signs of Polygamy
Related Posts: Utah Polygamy and Divorce – 1880 to 1930; Polygamy versus Democracy; Edmunds Act (1882); Edmunds-Tucker Act (1887); Idaho Test Oath; Marriage in 1890 Utah: Very Normal
Summary: I said this post would be interesting. And it is. The LDS Church officially abandoned polygamy in 1890 due to intense government pressure. The 1890 Census Report contains detailed information on divorce that I believe captures evidence of polygamy in Utah. My previous post analyzed the marriage data (Marriage in 1890 Utah: Very Normal).
Firstly, when talking about divorce in 1890 we are dealing with a very small percentage of the population. The median divorce rate for the US was 0.23%. And it turns out that the overall divorce rate in 1890 in Utah is ordinary, right at the third quartile for US states and territories. However, when you look at divorce by age and sex it becomes much more interesting. Above age 34 Utah has the highest or second highest female divorce rate in the US–from 45 on up only Nevada is higher. But this is interesting because Nevada’s total population was 45,761 compared to Utah’s 207,905. Nevada’s male to female ratio was 1.76 and Utah’s was 1.13. Nevada was a much more difficult place for a woman to live and you would expect a higher divorce rate. But Utah?
More can be said. The male divorce rate for Utah qualifies as ordinary (falls between the first and third quartiles) for all age categories. But if you look at the difference between male and female divorce rates by age then Utah really stands out. The national trend is, overall, downward with male divorces eventually exceeding female divorces. The Utah trend is starkly upward, increasing in nearly a straight line from age 15 to 64. Overall, the female divorce rate far exceeds the male divorce rate. Not only does the divergence between the Utah male and female divorce rates increase with age, it also diverges from the national trend.
Continue reading
Marriage in 1890 Utah: Very Normal
Related Posts: Polygamy versus Democracy; Edmunds Act (1882); Edmunds-Tucker Act (1887); Idaho Test Oath; Divorce in 1890 Utah: Signs of Polygamy; Utah Polygamy and Divorce – 1880 to 1930
Summary: I have looked at data for marriage in 1890 Utah found in the US census report, in detail. I spend the last two months (and a good amount of my Christmas break) compiling and analyzing the data. This post will look at marriage. A later post will look at divorce. (See Divorce in 1890 Utah: Signs of Polygamy.)
[Update: I have looked at the married female to married male ratios of Utah from 1880 to 1930. I have found that for 1880 and 1900 Utah is an outlier. For 1890 it is not. This is likely due to the fact that women in polygamous relationships were concealing their relationships during 1890, but not so much in 1880 and 1900. See Figure 4 in Polygamy in Utah, 1880 for plots. This is likely due to the antipolygamy crusade that ramped up during the 1880’s. Therefore, the female marriage data in this post is not accurate. However, there is still lots of useful information in this post.]
The 1890 Census coincides with the LDS Church officially abandoning the practice of polygamy (1890). (See The Manifesto declaring this.) So the Census Record might capture evidence of polygamy, if there is any.
My questions were these. Were more women married in Utah than other states and territories? Where young female marriages occurring in Utah at a much higher rate than the rest of the country? How do male marriages compare? Are there any statistics in which Utah stands out?
Even though Utah allowed girls to marry with parental consent at 12 there is no evidence that under 15 girls were getting married in significant numbers–there were only 2 in Utah. The average for the US (Utah excluded) was 24 and the median was 9. I can’t find any evidence that girls in Utah in any age bracket were marrying at significantly different rates from the other states and territories.
Continue reading
How are Mormon Beliefs Established?
Related Posts: Mormons and Caffeinated Soft drinks; The Word of Wisdom; Why I blog; Creation ex nihilo; Faith, Certainty, and Doubt; The First Vision; Are Mormons Brainwashed?
Summary: In my previous post (Are Mormons Brainwashed?) I pointed out that Mormonism is not driven by systematic theology. I use the term in a very narrow sense. I take it to mean a precisely defined, unified system usually involving philosophical methods and authoritative sources like scripture. Consequently, if one element is changed, or expressed differently, then the other elements must be altered to maintain consistency. The theologian’s job is to iron out the inconsistencies that arise.
This level of precision is behind most religious schisms. At some point someone interpreted the bible differently and concluded the existing tradition was flawed. To a Mormon many of the differences seem trivial, but to those involved, the very truth, and ultimately salvation, is at stake. So they form a new church claiming it is more correct.
Mormonism did not come about through doctrinal schism. Our tradition goes back to the First Vision (The First Vision); our doctrines are based on revelations given to the prophets. And we accept this. There are no professional theologians in the Mormon tradition who work out inconsistencies, define terms, and make the belief system uniform. The famous book by Bruce R. McConkie is title Mormon Doctrine, not Mormon Theology.
Continue reading
Are Mormons Brainwashed?
Related Posts: Why I blog; Creation ex nihilo; How are Mormon Beliefs Established?; Faith, Certainty, and Doubt
Are Mormons free to believe what they want? Are we taught to lay aside common sense? Are Mormons brainwashed?
This is a sticky subject. It’s a truism that each of us is a captive of our culture in which we grew up, whether US, Mexican, Japanese, Indian, German, Egyptian, etc. And we must be careful when saying other people are brainwashed. Maybe it’s the brainwashed people that accuse others of being brainwashed? Am I brainwashed? Are you?
Continue reading
Is LDS (Mormon) Church Growth Decelerating?
Related Posts: Growth of the Church (2007)
Summary: Is the growth of the church decelerating? I would have to say no. First, the acceleration the church experienced from 1950 to 1990 was small. Only 6,290 persons per year^2. So a change is not too surprising. From 1991 to 2013 there appears to be a very small deceleration, but this can be said with only 63% confidence. In other words, there is a 37% chance the apparent deceleration is not real. Otherwise, the growth rate is constant.
If we look at convert baptisms the number in 2013 is about 8,500 higher than in 1992. And for the last eight years has been fairly constant at about 275,000 per year. Non-convert baptisms is holding steady at 46,000 persons per year.
Baptisms per missionary have decreased due to a fairly constant conversion rate combined with a dramatic increase in missionary force.
Continue reading
Mormon Temple Worship
Related Posts: Why Covenants?; The Fall of Man Part I; The Fall of Man Part II; The Mormon Concept of Heaven(s); Mormon Temple Garments.
Secrecy?
Firstly, there is a difference between a temple and a regular meeting house. In a meeting house we meet weekly for worship and to take the sacrament. Temples are set aside for special ordinances that are not open for public viewing.Suicide
This was a tough post to write. Not only because it is such a sensitive subject, but also because it is so personal to me. The reasons are complex and I won't go into much detail, but by doing this I know I am exposing myself to a level of scrutiny I'm not entirely comfortable with. And I am fully aware that people who know me and read this post will see me differently--something I don't particularly like. But I feel that this post will give my readers some insight into what severe depression is like. Especially for people who have never suffered from it.
I was in graduate school when I finally got treatment for my condition. By that time it had gotten so bad that I really had no choice. It was either get treatment or I would eventually kill myself. I ended up doing two semesters of one-on-one counseling and over the summer I did group therapy. I found the treatment to be helpful and worthwhile. It didn't change my life in any dramatic way--at least not right away. But it was worthwhile and it helped me deal with some things that needed dealing with.
I remember one of the therapy group participants saying that no matter how bad things got he would never seriously consider killing himself. And I suppose that's how it is for most people. Its difficult to understand unless you've been there. And I suspect that for people who have not been there this could be a tough post to read.
A Living Hell
I would describe my depression years as a living hell. I started to feel really depressed after my family moved from California to Idaho, right in the middle of high school. It was around this time that I started to have suicidal thoughts. I had few friends and was not a social person. I think I went on maybe two or three dates. From the outside I looked like a normal, good looking, shy, teenage boy. I was talented, for example, in music. I was always pushing myself to be better at things I enjoyed. So I had ambition and drive. But I kept a hangman's noose under my bed.
I hated my last two years of high school. So much so that I didn't even attend my own graduation. I drove to school the next day and got my diploma from the principle. He tried to improvise a kind of ceremony but I was just glad I never had to go back.
I graduated from high school with a GPA of about 2.10. I was accepted to Idaho State University, provisionally, on the condition that I play bass guitar in their jazz band, which is what wanted to do anyway. I took all music classes and got pretty good grades.
When I turned 19 I served a two year LDS mission in Africa. I did suffer from insomnia which made things very difficult. I had suffered from insomnia for years but it became more apparent to me on my mission. I was still withdrawn. I still felt disconnected from those around me. But I don't recall having any suicidal thoughts. My mission was otherwise quite normal.
I came back from my mission and transferred to Ricks College, graduated with an Associates degree, then to BYU to get my Bachelors.
In high school I had been tested for dyslexia. While at BYU I went through some more testing and was found to have attention deficit problems. The learning disabilities made school more difficult. Depression, insomnia, and concentration problems are a very difficult combination to live with. I was probably getting 30-35 hours of sleep per week. I could almost guarantee that at least one night a week I wouldn't get any sleep at all. Learning, socializing, school, friends, and work were all extremely difficult. Socializing was a bit confusing.
It seemed like life was happening all around me and I was a spectator.
I had always been the type of person who didn't "get" interpersonal politics. You know, the clueless person who was not aware of the high school drama; who was dating who, conflicts between friends and coworkers. I just felt like I wasn't part of anything. In this respect church helped because it was a way for me to be part of something. I never quite felt accepted at church; but I never felt unwelcome either. I tended to believe I was tolerated by good, kind people who just felt sorry for me. If a girl was interested, she was just being nice and felt sorry for me. If a guy invited me to do something, he was just being polite. I never thought of these people as mean; they were actually really nice. But neither would they miss me if I wasn't around.
It seemed like every other year was especially bad. My grades would tank. I was nearly expelled from BYU. Life went on and I was going nowhere. I had to spend all of my effort just to keep from drowning.
I stayed in school. Partly because I had dreams and ambition. But also because I had nothing else to do with my life.
That was the first time I had ever taken steps to end my life. And I knew if I didn't get treatment it wouldn't be the last.
I would say age 30 was the tipping point. I got counseling through the university. I started to put on weight because I was getting older--I wasn't such a beanpole anymore. But there were other changes. I started to notice things I hadn't noticed before: friendship dynamics, work/school politics. I even found it a little easier to pick out song lyrics from the radio. The changes were small but noticeable. It was as if someone had turned up the light just barely enough to notice it.
I was about 35 when I found an effective way to mitigate my insomnia problem, which helped a lot. My social skills were slowly improving.
I was able to eventually complete my Ph.D. But literally, I spent 18 years at university--I consulted my many transcripts to confirm this. I didn't make more than about $16,000/year until I was 37.
I graduated, got a good job, and eventually dated a wonderful woman who I married. I'm 42 now. Its been over ten years since I got treatment and I don't have suicidal thoughts anymore. Sometimes I wonder how I survived.
What about life experiences and depression?
My life growing up was very normal in most respects. I'm from an active LDS middle class home--four sisters and a brother. I was hardly ever bullied. I was never abused physically, sexually, or verbally. My parents never divorced. They never fought in front of the children. I've always been active in church. I've always paid a full tithing. I have never used drugs. I have never had an alcoholic beverage. I have never questioned my sexual orientation--I'm hetero. I've never been mentally ill. I've never had hallucinations--though I do have a tendency to talk to myself sometimes. On the outside I've always been a very normal looking, normal acting guy.
For a long time I thought of my depression as normal. I though suicidal thoughts were normal. I believed that life was like this for everyone. What else would it be like? When I began to realize that this was not the case it surprised me. Really! You mean, most people don't think about killing themselves? Wow!
My mental states
One thing I have come to believe is that people who are thinking about killing themselves are probably not thinking clearly. Suicide is not the rational choice. But, when you are in that state of mind you believe it is. You believe people won't miss you. You believe they would be OK without you. In a severely depressed state of mind you will honestly, sincerely believe those things. I did.
I want to point out that not all depressed people have suicidal thoughts. But people who are having suicidal thoughts are very likely severely depressed.
From my experience, when I was having suicidal thoughts there was more going on then just not taking pleasure in life. There were times when I believed that killing myself made sense. I believed my friends and family would be fine without me. But in reality, it makes no sense and my death would be utterly devastating to my friends and family. I would try to anticipate the next bout of severe depression hoping to prepare myself for it. This was in vain. When I went back into the worst levels of my depression I would have suicidal thoughts.
I also found it difficult to learn. When I was at my worst it was nearly impossible for me to do math or physics problems I wasn't familiar with. But when I was feeling better I could solve them with reasonable effort. My concentration problems would also become more severe and I tended to talk to myself more than usual. My insomnia was always bad and medication for depression and my insomnia did not help.
I understand that it's difficult to determine what causes what: attention problems, insomnia, depression, a sense of social isolation, poor academic performance, suicidal thoughts. But I feel very strongly that most people who are having suicidal thoughts are not thinking clearly, and probably cannot think clearly.
The Gospel and Suicide
There is a sense in the Church that if you live the Gospel then the emotional baggage that holds you down will go away. For example, the Eternal Marriage Student Manual has a passage that reads,
...the one who confidently looks forward to an eternal reward for his efforts in mortality is constantly sustained through his deepest trials; when his bank fails, he does not commit suicide... (Eternal Marriage Student Manual: Modesty and Morality)Here is another example from the October 1973 General Conference.
...so instead of shooting himself, he did a little analyzing and he discovered that his mind had been operating like a giant junk factory, turning out all kinds of mental, emotional, and spiritual junk...[He] decided to change himself...he dumped overboard a lot of his bad habits of liquor, tobacco, and irresponsibility. He decided to adopt some good attitudes, think like a man, be responsible, and go to work. ("A Fortune to Share", Sterling W. Sill)Those two examples do not reflect the Church's official position but they do reflect a broad sensibility held by many, many, members. A more official position is this:
Although it is wrong to take one's own life, a person who commits suicide may not be responsible for his or her acts. Only God can judge such a matter. Elder M. Russell Ballard of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles has said:
“Obviously, we do not know the full circumstances surrounding every suicide. Only the Lord knows all the details, and he it is who will judge our actions here on earth.
“When he does judge us, I feel he will take all things into consideration: our genetic and chemical makeup, our mental state, our intellectual capacity, the teachings we have received, the traditions of our fathers, our health, and so forth“ ("Gospel Topics: Suicide", LDS.org)
Most passages about suicide found in church publications deal with people who have suffered a sudden financial or personal loss, a loss of health, or had sinful personal habits. I can see how someone in those circumstances might contemplate suicide. I also believe they could possibly roll up their sleeves and work their way toward better mental health. I also suspect they have a much better chance of surviving through work. But it wasn't like that for me.
Some of you might be thinking, "But you didn't kill yourself! You made it. You must have done all the right things." But I didn't work my way out of it ether. When I was at my worst there was nothing I could have done to change my mental state. It can be tempting to believe that those who survived somehow rolled up their sleeves and those who didn't somehow failed. But human beings are more similar than they are different; significantly more similar than different. Which is why we can understand one another; which is why psychology, social science, and medicine are possible. I believe my experience is similar to what other people have suffered. But sadly, many of those who didn't survive aren't here to explain.
Politics and Suicide
In 2010 Roseanne Barr had some very harsh things about Marie Osmond and the Mormon Church regarding the suicide of Marie's son.
“Marie Osmond’s poor gay son killed himself because he had been told how wrong and how sick he was every day of his life by his church and the people in it. Calling that ‘depression’ is a lie...Hey, I want her and all the gay kids in the world to know that they are just fine being gay and that they deserve love and respect instead of insults and rebuke!...I know so many Mormon kids who were gay and committed suicide, and I just cannot and will not stay quiet in order to not offend bigots anymore. ("Roseanne Barr’s Swift Attack on Marie Osmond and Her Anti-Gay Church", queerty.com)I have several problems with Roseanne's statement. But the main issue is that she tried to explain why Marie's son killed himself: "because he had been told how wrong and how sick he was every day of his life...calling it 'depression' is a lie." I realize that for many gay people, and for friends and family of gay people, this is a sensitive subject. But Roseanne's statement borders on a diagnosis. She shouldn't attempt to determine why another person was having suicidal thoughts. She has denied depression was a factor and simplified a condition that is likely to be complex. The subject of suicide should be treated with special care.
Certainly a person's beliefs will affect her thoughts. A gay person raised in an environment where being gay is condemned will likely struggle to feel accepted and have emotional conflicts. The point I want to make here is, when you're confronted with a person who has expressed thoughts of suicide, don't simplify or judge, avoid knee-jerk reactions, and please avoid trying to diagnose the problem. Help them get qualified treatment.
Centers for Disease Control
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention some of the risk factors for suicide are: previous suicide attempt(s), history of depression or other mental illness, alcohol or drug abuse, family history of suicide or violence, physical illness, and feeling alone. Protective factors are: effective clinical care for mental, physical, and substance abuse disorders; easy access to a variety of clinical interventions and support for help seeking; family and community support (connectedness); support from ongoing medical and mental health care relationships; skills in problem solving, conflict resolution, and nonviolent ways of handling disputes; cultural and religious beliefs that discourage suicide and support instincts for self-preservation. ("Suicide: Risk and Protective Factors," CDC; see also "Understanding Suicide," CDC Fact Sheet.)
If you are thinking of suicide, whatever you do, don't kill yourself. Seek qualified treatment. There is no shame in talking to a therapist. I did. If you are thinking about killing yourself, put it off, and keep putting it off. You can survive. There is hope.
Sincerely,
Troy
School Attendance in Utah
Related Posts: Utah’s Teachers and Students, 1870 to 1899; Education Funding in early Utah, 1870-1899; Polygamy versus Democracy
[After a long hiatus I'm back. I've just been busy with life: finished my dissertation, graduated, got a job, got married, bought a house. I'm planning on being more active in my blogging for the near future. I have lots of interesting ideas. Hope you like them.]
Introduction
My interest in educational statistics originates from an article written by Stanley Kurtz published in the Weekly Standard titled “Polygamy Versus Democracy: you can’t have both” (June 2006). In it he draws parallels between the United States Government’s struggle to stamp out Mormon polygamy and the current war on terror. “In effect, the fight against polygamy was a slow, frustrating, expensive, ultimately successful campaign to democratize Utah. (The parallels to the war on terror are eerie)” (parenthesis original). Writing further that “the Mormons renounced polygamy and set themselves on the path to democracy.” He also asserted that “Religious leaders schooled their families privately, while most of the territory’s children remained illiterate.” (See Polygamy versus Democracy for data on why his assertions are totally false.) There was also an article written by Damon Linker in The New Republic, “The Big Test” (Jan 15, 2007) where Linker asserted that Mormonism is politically perilous. (My response is here.)
My interest in educational statistics originates from an article written by Stanley Kurtz published in the Weekly Standard titled “Polygamy Versus Democracy: you can’t have both” (June 2006). In it he draws parallels between the United States Government’s struggle to stamp out Mormon polygamy and the current war on terror. “In effect, the fight against polygamy was a slow, frustrating, expensive, ultimately successful campaign to democratize Utah. (The parallels to the war on terror are eerie)” (parenthesis original). Writing further that “the Mormons renounced polygamy and set themselves on the path to democracy.” He also asserted that “Religious leaders schooled their families privately, while most of the territory’s children remained illiterate.” (See Polygamy versus Democracy for data on why his assertions are totally false.) There was also an article written by Damon Linker in The New Republic, “The Big Test” (Jan 15, 2007) where Linker asserted that Mormonism is politically perilous. (My response is here.)
Anyway, my motivation stems from those articles. So for the last several years I’ve been compiling statistical data on Utah and US education and using that data to respond to what they wrote. After having looked at the data I find no evidence that Kurtz’s assertions are true; and the problem with Linkers article is that he ignores the historical record. I’m not exaggerating when I say the historical reasons why the church abandoned polygamy and what Linker asserts are not even similar.
I’ve already published a number posts using my education data. They are listed above. My findings from looking at the attendance data are given below.
I restricted my analysis to ages 5 thru 19 of the white population demographic. The earlier censuses made it easy to get population data on that age group and it is still close to the school ages of 5 thru 18. Also, Utah’s population was predominately white. So I compared Utah’s white population to the same US demographic.
The data presented is based on “attended school” during the census year. That is, if a child attended school during the census year then she was counted. Except for 1890 there is no census data on the number of months of attendance. The 1870 census gives average daily attendance, however, this data is taken from the Report of the Commissioner of Education and is for public schools only. Given that a significant number of Utah children were enrolled in private schools I decided not to include this data. Indeed, the 1888-90 Commissioner of Education report indicates 20.94% of Utah’s school age population was enrolled in private schools—the next highest percentage for that year was New Jersey at 16.81%.
I needed some way to compare the aggregate data of the United States to that of Utah. So I have used the first and third quartiles. That is, if Utah is between the 25th and 75th percentile—the middle 50%--then I consider that to be ordinary. (See here for comparison to a normal distribution.)
The boxplots are for the US states and territories, Utah excluded. Utah is indicated with a red point.
Conclusions
The typical census question that was asked was, “Had the person attended school in the past year?” It only asks if a person had attended school; not how long, or his average attendance. This leads to a startling conclusion. For the census years of 1850, 1860 and 1870 the median for the states and territories of the US was around 50%, so at least half of the white student age population in half of the states and territories of the United States had not attended school! While in the other states and territories attendance was 50% to 90%. The 75th percentile for all the census years varies between 60% and 70%. This means that in 75% of the states and territories of the United States at least 30-40% of the school age population had not attended school.
Utah is below the national median for all years except 1850 and 1860. In all years it fits my definition of ordinary with the exception of 1880. But even in that year it is nearly so.
The 1890 census did asked how many months a person attend school and it reports attendance according to three parentage categories:
Utah is below the national median for all years except 1850 and 1860. In all years it fits my definition of ordinary with the exception of 1880. But even in that year it is nearly so.
The 1890 census did asked how many months a person attend school and it reports attendance according to three parentage categories:
- Native white of native parents (child and parents born in US)
- Native white of foreign parents (child born in US, parents born outside US)
- Foreign white of foreign parents (child and parents born outside of US)
I included the “attended school” category for sex and parentage in Figure 7. Utah is ordinary in all categories but two, and in those it is nearly ordinary.
I also estimated the average number of months attended for each 5 to 19 child. Utah is ordinary at about (2.5 months)/(school age child) while the median is about (3 months)/(school age child).
I also estimated the average number of months attended for each 5 to 19 child. Utah is ordinary at about (2.5 months)/(school age child) while the median is about (3 months)/(school age child).
1850
Figure 1: Attended school during 1850.
Comments: For the census year of 1850 Utah is above the national median.
1860
Figure 2: Percent attended school during 1860.
Comments: For the census year of 1860 Utah is above the national median.
1870
Figure 3: Percent attended school during 1870.
Comments: For the census year of 1870 Utah is below the national median but still ordinary.
1880
Figure 4: Percent attended school during 1880.
Comments: For the census year of 1880 Utah is a little below Q1. However, I suspect there is a problem with the census data for this year. If we look at the median values for the United States from 1850 to 1890 they are:
1850 45.2%
1860 50.3%
1870 50.8%
1880 63.9%
1890 56.6%
Notice that there is a jump of 13.1 points from 1870 to 1880 and a drop of 7.3 points from 1880 to 1890. I cant explain the unusually large change. However, Utah does not compare badly.
1890
Figure 5: Percent attended school during 1890.
Comments: For the census year of 1890 Utah is below the national median but still ordinary.
Figure 6: Average number of months attended per school age child in 1890.
Some comments on how I calculated this data. There were four categories reported in the 1890 census for months attended.
- 1 month or less
- 2 to 3 months
- 4 to 5 months
- 6+ months
I took the number of months attended and multiplied them by the number of students who were in that category. I multiplied the number of students who attended 1 month or less by 1 month to estimate the total months. I multiplied the number of students who attended 2 to 3 months by 2.5; 4.5 for students who attended 4 to 5 months; and 6 for those attended 6+ months. Finally, I summed up each category for each state and territory getting an estimate of the total months attended by the 5 thru 19 population for each state and territory. I divided this by the student age population to get an estimate of the average number of months attended for each 5 thru 19 person.
Figure 7: “Attended school” category according to sex and parentage.
Comments: Utah is ordinary or nearly so for all parentage and sex.
Parentage categories are as follows.
- Native white of native parents: Native White (NP)
- Native white of foreign parents: Native White (FP)
- Foreign white of foreign parents: Foreign White (FP)
Utah’s Teachers and Students, 1870 to 1899
Related Posts:
For background information see Education funding in early Utah, 1870-1899.
For background information see Education funding in early Utah, 1870-1899.
Introduction
In 1870 the Utah Territory Superintendent of Public Schools Robert L. Cambell wrote,
The universal interrogatory by school trustees from every part of the Territory, who are attending to their duties, is: Can you send us a qualified teacher! (Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1870, p. 328).
Because very little money for public schools came from taxes Utah’s educators were under constant stress to meet the educational demands of the territory. Teachers pay came primarily from pro-rated tuition fees. Few schools in the territory were completely tax supported and the tax that was levied was primarily intended for construction and maintenance of school buildings.
Stress on education
Utah's first schools were small and the buildings were typically simple one room structures. Tax support for public schools was weak and sometimes teachers were paid in produce. This early state of affairs was understandable. But as the territory developed the cost of providing education increased. A larger population meant more schools, more classes per school, and larger buildings. Moving to a graded system meant teachers needed more specialized training and schools had greater administrative needs. Larger buildings had grounds and other physical facilities to be maintained. Without significant tax support the infrastructure and staff were under constant stress to meet the educational needs of the territory.
The universal interrogatory by school trustees from every part of the Territory, who are attending to their duties, is: Can you send us a qualified teacher! (Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1870, p. 328).
Because very little money for public schools came from taxes Utah’s educators were under constant stress to meet the educational demands of the territory. Teachers pay came primarily from pro-rated tuition fees. Few schools in the territory were completely tax supported and the tax that was levied was primarily intended for construction and maintenance of school buildings.
Stress on education
Utah's first schools were small and the buildings were typically simple one room structures. Tax support for public schools was weak and sometimes teachers were paid in produce. This early state of affairs was understandable. But as the territory developed the cost of providing education increased. A larger population meant more schools, more classes per school, and larger buildings. Moving to a graded system meant teachers needed more specialized training and schools had greater administrative needs. Larger buildings had grounds and other physical facilities to be maintained. Without significant tax support the infrastructure and staff were under constant stress to meet the educational needs of the territory.
Some general comments
Figure 1: These statistics are for Utah only.
From 1870 to 1889 Utah was acquiring 17.8 new teachers per year for the common schools. However, the 5-18 school age population was growing at a rate of 2,284 persons per year, enrollment was growing at a rate of 1,161 new enrollments per year, and average daily attendance was increasing at a rate of 550 students per year. The increase in average daily attendance per increase in the number of teachers is 31. That is, each year there were 31 new students attending for each new teacher, which amounts to one large class for every new teacher. (You can see this in figure. Also note the dramatic effect of the 1890 free school act.) For the United States from 1870-'99 the (average attendance)/teacher ratio was around 25.
Figure 2: The red dots indicate the value of Utah. The boxplots are for the states and territories of the United States, Utah omitted.
Note the large difference in pay between male and female teachers. The gap is not the highest in the nation, but it is near the top. For the most part female teachers in the United States were paid less than male teachers for the same work. Part of this was due to social roles. Male teachers with a family were expected to be the breadwinner and were paid more. Female teachers would be expected to marry and would not be seen as pursuing a teaching career. Utah was no exception to this rule. Another factor that could have widened the gap in Utah is that some districts required teachers to collect their own tuition fees, sometimes from reluctant parents. The male teachers might have been more assertive in collecting the fee. Also note, the numbers for 1878, '79, '80, and '81 are identical. Utah reported average teachers pay for the year 1878 but did not report pay for the other three years. Consequently the 1878 number was repeated in the following three COE reports.
Another interesting point is the ratio of pupils in attendance per teacher. Despite the dramatic increase in the number of teachers following the 1890 Free School Act, by 1899 the number of students in attendance per teacher was very high. In 1896, the year Utah became a state, it was at its highest value in thirty years and as far as I can tell it was the highest in the United States. It appears that the Free School Act precipitated a mass migration out of the private denominational schools (Protestant, Catholic, and LDS) into the public school system. The 1889-'90 COE report indicates that 20.94% of the 5-18 population were enrolled in private schools. The next highest percent for the Western Division was California at 8% (vol. 1, p. 16). The 1891-'92 COE report indicates 16.47% of Utah’s school age children were enrolled in private schools (vol. 1, p. 64). By 1895 it was down to 2.22% (vol. 1, p. LXIX). In 1896 it was 3.43% (vol. 1, LXVIII), and in 1899 it was 2.31% (vol. 1, LXXIV). Though the number of teachers was increasing rapidly, the average attendance increased so fast that the attendance/teacher ratio actually increased, indicating that a significant portion of the educational needs of the territory were being met by private institutions.
The above figure is based on my estimate of the 5-18 populations for the states and territories.
The above figure is based on attendance in the common schools only.
The above figure is based on attendance in the common schools only.
End Notes__________
[1] Education in Utah, Levi Edgar Young, “Education in Utah,” Improvement Era, July 1913, vol. 16, no. 9.
[2] From the LDS Biographical Encyclopedia,
Brother [Levi Edgar] Young was educated in the public schools in Salt Lake City and in 1915 received his B. S. degree from the University of Utah. After that he spent two seasons in Harvard University and one year in Columbia, New York, doing graduate work in history. He holds the degree of M. A. from Columbia, and for his doctor's degree in philosophy his theses was the "Economic and social development of Utah under Brigham Young's leadership." He now holds the chair of American History at the University of Utah and is engaged in doing original research work in western American history. He is also spending much time in archeological work within the confines of the State. In 1916 he took charge of an exploring expedition in San Juan county, Utah, returning to Salt Lake City July 26, 1916. Elder Young is president of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association ( 1919-20 ), is a member of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, the American Historical Association, and the American Anthropological Association. (LDS Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 3, p. 798)
He was ordained a Seventy in 1897.
[3] Young, L. E., “The Pioneers and Early Education,” The Utah Educational Review,” April-May 1913, vol. 6, no. 8, pp. 38-43.
[1] Education in Utah, Levi Edgar Young, “Education in Utah,” Improvement Era, July 1913, vol. 16, no. 9.
[2] From the LDS Biographical Encyclopedia,
Brother [Levi Edgar] Young was educated in the public schools in Salt Lake City and in 1915 received his B. S. degree from the University of Utah. After that he spent two seasons in Harvard University and one year in Columbia, New York, doing graduate work in history. He holds the degree of M. A. from Columbia, and for his doctor's degree in philosophy his theses was the "Economic and social development of Utah under Brigham Young's leadership." He now holds the chair of American History at the University of Utah and is engaged in doing original research work in western American history. He is also spending much time in archeological work within the confines of the State. In 1916 he took charge of an exploring expedition in San Juan county, Utah, returning to Salt Lake City July 26, 1916. Elder Young is president of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association ( 1919-20 ), is a member of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, the American Historical Association, and the American Anthropological Association. (LDS Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 3, p. 798)
He was ordained a Seventy in 1897.
[3] Young, L. E., “The Pioneers and Early Education,” The Utah Educational Review,” April-May 1913, vol. 6, no. 8, pp. 38-43.
Education Funding in early Utah, 1870-1899
Related Posts: Polygamy versus Democracy ; Age Corrections for Education Data
Yes, I'm back after a long hiatus. I finally finished my Ph.D. (physics), so I hope I'll be able to start blogging on a semi-regular basis. For the next few months I'll be posting on education in 19th century Utah. Actually from 1870 to 1900. The data for this and upcoming posts came from the annual Report of the Commissioner of Education (abbr. COE). I've spend over a year collecting data and I've developed a method to "normalize" the data so that state by state comparisons are on a more similar scale. Owing to the fact that from state to state the legal school age differed, to make comparisons I needed to estimate the number of school age children between 5 and 18 for each state. For my age correction method see Age Corrections for Education Data for discussion and methodology.
Also, the endnotes have a lot of information so you might want to check those out too.
Introduction and background
Some of you may be wondering, “What’s so interesting about education funding? It doesn’t sound interesting at all.” True. Normally the history of education funding is mega boring and of interest only to academics who study education history. But Utah is different. As almost everything was back then (19th century), education was part of the larger debate about Mormonism. It was held by many non-Mormons that the Latter-day Saints did not value education, and, as such, their children were poorly educated and therefore credulous enough to believe those hysterical, superstitious Mormon beliefs. But, it was thought, education could free the Mormon children from their defective beliefs. When armed with a good education “there is no room then for the errors of Mormonism” (The Situation in Utah: The Discussions of the Christian Convention, 1888, p. 102). Thus, education was a tactic in the larger struggle against the Mormon system. The 1873 Report of the Commissioner of Education points out, in reference to solving “the Mormon problem,”
Yes, I'm back after a long hiatus. I finally finished my Ph.D. (physics), so I hope I'll be able to start blogging on a semi-regular basis. For the next few months I'll be posting on education in 19th century Utah. Actually from 1870 to 1900. The data for this and upcoming posts came from the annual Report of the Commissioner of Education (abbr. COE). I've spend over a year collecting data and I've developed a method to "normalize" the data so that state by state comparisons are on a more similar scale. Owing to the fact that from state to state the legal school age differed, to make comparisons I needed to estimate the number of school age children between 5 and 18 for each state. For my age correction method see Age Corrections for Education Data for discussion and methodology.
Also, the endnotes have a lot of information so you might want to check those out too.
Introduction and background
Some of you may be wondering, “What’s so interesting about education funding? It doesn’t sound interesting at all.” True. Normally the history of education funding is mega boring and of interest only to academics who study education history. But Utah is different. As almost everything was back then (19th century), education was part of the larger debate about Mormonism. It was held by many non-Mormons that the Latter-day Saints did not value education, and, as such, their children were poorly educated and therefore credulous enough to believe those hysterical, superstitious Mormon beliefs. But, it was thought, education could free the Mormon children from their defective beliefs. When armed with a good education “there is no room then for the errors of Mormonism” (The Situation in Utah: The Discussions of the Christian Convention, 1888, p. 102). Thus, education was a tactic in the larger struggle against the Mormon system. The 1873 Report of the Commissioner of Education points out, in reference to solving “the Mormon problem,”
In studying the difficulties existing in the Indian Territory and Utah, it is very surprising that profound statesmanship has paid so little attention to education as the most efficient means for their solution. (COE, 1873-74, p. xxi).
With this goal in mind several Protestant and Catholic denominational schools were established in the Utah Territory.
Unfortunately for the Utah Territory its schools were struggling. This weakness provided an opening for the establishment of non-Mormon, mostly Protestant, denominational schools, many of which were intended to save the Mormon children. In 1883, speaking to a large gathering of Christian educators, one Rev. Henry Kendall said of these denominational schools,
These schools are all in reality, though not obtrusively, Christian schools. All their teachers are really missionaries, and they do much in the way of personal missionary labor…thus the preachers and the teachers constitute one consecrated and harmonious band engaged in undermining the whole system of Mormonism. (Christian Educators in Council, Ocean Grove, N.J., August 9-12, 1883, p. 135)
I hope to eventually do a post on the denominational schools. But for now it is sufficient to say that they failed in their goal to convert the Mormon children. After twenty five years of efforts a Methodist investigating committee reported,
As far as converting the Mormons is concerned money has been largely wasted. If 200 real Mormons have been changed into real evangelical Christians during the time, we have been unable to discover them.[1]
Even today the quality of education in nineteenth century Utah is used against Mormonism. The June 5, 2006 issue of the Weekly Standard has an article written by Stanley Kurtz titled “Polygamy versus Democracy: you can’t have both.” He writes that during these early days the “[Mormon] religious leaders schooled their families privately, while most of the territory’s children remained illiterate.” His assertion about Mormon illiteracy is patently false. (See my response here.) But it was that statement that motivated me to begin researching early Utah education, and for the past year, collecting data.
I hope this post is not too long. Lately I’ve been trying to keep them shorter by focusing the subject.
Mormonism, the value of an education
Mormonism teaches,
Whatever principle of intelligence we attain unto in this life, it will rise with us in the resurrection. And if a person gains more knowledge and intelligence in this life…he will have so much the advantage in the world to come (DC 130:18-19).
Education has always been important to Mormons. Joseph Smith taught, “A man is saved no faster than he gets knowledge” (TPJS, p. 217; also here). The belief that “the glory of God is intelligence, or, in other words, light and truth” (DC 93:36) and that we should seek learning “out of the best books…even by study and also by faith” (DC 88:118) are deeply ingrained within Mormon beliefs.
However, despite a deep love of education early Mormons possessed a strong hostility to taxes. In the 1864-65 Territorial School Report Superintendent Robert L. Cambell wrote, “While the sentiments of the people are so favorable to education they are equally unfavorable to taxation.”[2] Brigham Young (second President of the Church) once said, “I am opposed to free education as much as I am opposed to taking away property from one man and giving it to another…Would I encourage free schools by taxation? No! That is not in keeping with the nature of our work” (JD 18:357). Naturally he was not opposed to free education per se[3], but he was opposed to free education funded by compulsory taxation. Though he may not have been completely opposed to the appropriation of public funds for the support of public schools.[4] In 1873 he said, “There are many of our people who believe that the whole Territory ought to be taxed for our schools. When we have means, that come in the proper way, we can make a fund to help the poor to school their children, and I would say amen to it” (JD 16:19).
Mormon hostility to dependence on tax money stemmed partly from a strong sense of individual independence but also a sense that Mormonism as a community had to be independent from all external influences. Mormon Apostle Daniel H. Wells once sermonized that the goal of Mormonism is to “make ourselves independent of every people and nation upon the earth” (JD 9:61). In 1867 Apostle Wilford Woodruff said, “We have to build up Zion independent of the wicked; we have got to become self-sustaining” (JD 12:388). In 1867 Brigham Young said, “[Zion will] be developed in our midst, and we will be as independent as ever the children of Zion can be in our capacity” (JD 12:404). If Zion, or the church, is to be independent of “every people and nation” then dependence on taxes for education is inconsistent with that goal—tax money always comes with strings attached. (See also [5].)
Early Utah schools were quasi-public. Anyone could attend, but a pro-rated tuition fee was charged. Moreover, these schools were deliberately reinforcing the Mormon value system.[6] Before the arrival of the railroad in 1869 the population of Utah was so overwhelmingly Mormon few objected to this arrangement. It was not until a significant number of non-Mormons arrived that tensions began to develop. Non-Mormons fought to establish non-sectarian public schools free from the Mormon system by pursuing free school laws.[7] The Mormons by enlarge, and being a political plurality, vigorously and successfully opposed them.
To my knowledge, by 1870 every state in the Union had a free school law in place. After the Civil War every territory admitted to the Union had a free school law in its first constitution.[8] Utah’s free school law came in 1890, six years before statehood but twenty to thirty years behind the national trend. In the era before free schools were the norm, two objections were commonly raised against free education. They were (1) taking a man’s property to educate another man’s children is like taking another man’s plough to plough his neighbor’s field, and (2) it was believed free education would injure private and denominational schools. (Public Education in the United States, p. 122.) Both objections were raised by Utah’s Mormons. As already quoted above, Brigham Young opposed free education because he saw it as taking property from one person and giving it to another. And in 1884 one article in the Church owned Deseret News pointed out that “supporting schools by taxation has been opposed” by church leaders “because institutions supported by general taxes cannot be conducted on a religious basis…We believe that there should be schools for the children of the Latter-day Saints, taught by Latter-day Saints, with Latter-day Saint text books, and supported entirely by the funds of the Latter-day Saints” (Deseret News, December 3, 1884, p. 8, column 5).[9] Additionally, there was a strong sense that “all men and all women [should] bear their own burdens according to their strength… let every father and mother begin the work of education with their offspring, and teach them to bear their own burdens at the earliest practicable day” (Elder Erastus Snow, 1875; JD 17:365).
The early days
Education in Utah started with the arrival of the Saints in the Salt Lake Valley in 1847. Within a few months sixteen year old Mary Jane Dilworth opened a small school in a military tent shaped like a wigwam. She had earlier been set apart by Brigham Young to be a teacher.[10] As towns were established, schools were established. And in those early days official buildings were multipurpose structures. They could serve as a meeting house, a church, a social hall, and a school. Many of the early school buildings were constructed by donated labor. For example, by 1870 four adobe schools existed in the city of Logan (incorporated in 1866), built by donations of rock, lumber, paint, books, bushels of wheat, and labor (A History of Cache County, Chapter 8). According to historian Levi Edgar Young, from examining the records of thirty eight towns, each town had a school in operation within its first season.[11] Much of the teaching was done on a voluntary basis and the curriculum consisted principally of the three Rs: “readin', writin', and 'rithmetic.”
Though enthusiasm for education was high, without tax support, quality suffered. Because the schools were tuition based the tuition fee had to be collected. To quote from an paper by sociologist Stanley Ivins,
In the summer of 1880, John R. Park and Milton H. Hardy reported that, “In the majority of cases,” the school trustees did not assume the responsibility they should in “the whole matter of tuition fees under their control.” It was found that, in some districts, the trustees collected the tuitions and paid the teacher a salary. In others, they set the tuition fees but left their collection to the teacher. And in some districts, they did nothing but “give their consent to the employment of the teacher and to pay him the public allotment,”…The teacher was then on his own, with the responsibility of setting and collecting tuition fees, and for the general management of the school.” (Ivins, S.S., “Free Schools Come to Utah,” Utah Historical Quarterly, vol. 22, No. 4, p. 321, 1954)
This state of affairs remained standard on into the 1880s. Because tax support was generally weak parents had to pay tuition to send their children to school, and because cash money was scarce teachers were sometimes paid with farm produce.
The development of school finance
The development of public school finance in Utah was slow.
In 1852 the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah empowered local trustees to “assess and collect a tax upon all taxable property” in their districts, “for the purpose of building and keeping in repair suitable school houses.”[12] In 1853 incorporated cities were given the power to collect property tax for the support of public schools.[13] In 1854 it was required the tax rate be decided by “the vote of the district meeting.”[14] This law was a major obstacle to raising money for schools, as people are generally oppose to higher taxes.[15] In some areas one-time taxes were levied for specific purposes such as paying teachers, the construction and repair of school buildings, and buying books; or to pay the tuition for poor families.[16] In some cases taxes were collected in the form of produce, wood for fuel, or work exchange.[17] In Redmond, “It was decided to take up land and farm it, and use the proceeds to finance the school,” enabling all children to attend.[18] An 1865 law specified that each school district may, by a two-thirds majority vote, employ tax money to provide books and pay teachers--no specific provision for paying teachers from tax money had existed.[19] This tax was “not to exceed two per cent.” An 1866 law permitted school trustees to asses a tax for building and repair of school houses “not exceeding one-fourth of one percent,” without putting it to a vote. The tax could be increased to three per cent by a two-thirds majority vote at a district meeting; additionally, a tax “not exceeding one per cent” could be levied to “pay teachers and furnish fuel, books, maps and other suitable articles for school purposes,” also by a two-thirds majority vote.[20]
 |
| Figure 1: The red dot indicates Utah and the boxplots are for the states and territories of the United States, Utah omitted. |
Some districts exercised the option to levy additional tax and voted to tax above the minimum amount. But even before this, some districts were appropriating sufficient tax money to support a free school or reduce the tuition rate. In 1856 Brigham City voted a one percent tax; in 1869 American Fork voted to have a free school, the first in Utah[21]; in 1870 Hyrum had a free school[22]; and in 1871 the Provo 2nd Ward had a free school.[23] In 1874 the Salt Lake City 25th District voted to have a free school.[24] (For more free schools see [25].)
As time went on more and more communities voted to support their schools and pay their teachers with tax money, though in most areas parents were still obliged to pay a tuition fee. According to Ivins, in 1867 eight of Utah’s 18 counties had some tax support for their public schools; in 1871 only seven did.[26] Because these early laws placed most of the financial burden on the individual school districts it was the poorer districts that harbored the greatest hostility toward tax supported schools. Consequently public education in those areas suffered. The better-off districts were more willing to vote for higher taxes.
As time went on more and more communities voted to support their schools and pay their teachers with tax money, though in most areas parents were still obliged to pay a tuition fee. According to Ivins, in 1867 eight of Utah’s 18 counties had some tax support for their public schools; in 1871 only seven did.[26] Because these early laws placed most of the financial burden on the individual school districts it was the poorer districts that harbored the greatest hostility toward tax supported schools. Consequently public education in those areas suffered. The better-off districts were more willing to vote for higher taxes.
In 1872 a railroad tax was levied upon railroad companies in the territory for the use of the common schools.[27] In 1874 $15,000 dollars was appropriated for the use of common schools, yearly, for the following two years.[28] About this the Territorial Superintendent O.H. Riggs said, “Though (it was) but a small amount, yet it proved to be a spark, from which a flame of interest has been kindled, that has never before been felt in the Territory.”[29] That same year a law was enacted that placed a fine on the owners of stray animals and made the money available for the support of the common schools.[30] In 1876 the yearly $15,000 appropriation was increased to $25,000, twenty thousand of it was for the payment of teacher salaries, allotted according to average daily attendance.[31] In 1878 a territorial tax was levied on all taxable property in the territory, “for the benefit of the district schools.”[32] According to the 1879 COE Report $107,446 of school income came from taxes, which amounted to 78% of total school income. However, by 1881 only 61% of total school income came from taxes, in large part due to increased income from non-tax sources.
Pressure for free schools was building until finally on March 30, 1890 a “free school law” was passed. Titled, “An Act to provide for a uniform system of Free schools throughout the Utah Territory,” this act was the beginning of Utah’s free schools.[33]
Miscellaneous comments
While the (tax income)/(total income) ratio is low compared to other states, the expenditure per child still qualifies as ordinary for most years from 1870 to 1899, that is, in the middle 50%, between the 25th and 75th percentile.
Apparently after the free school act was passed a good deal of money was used to upgrade old buildings and to construct new ones. From the 1891-92 COE report $346,619 of school monies were used for “sites, buildings, furniture, libraries, and apparatus.” (103). This was the fifth highest for the Western Division (Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, Utah, Arizona, Nevada, Idaho, Washington, Oregon, and California). The following year Utah spent $744,385, the second highest for the Western Division. In the 1893-94 COE report it was back down to $376,471, but still the second highest in the Western Division.
End Notes_________________
[1] T. Edgar Lyon, “Evangelical Protestant Missionary Activities in Mormon Dominated Areas 1865-1900,” (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Utah, 1962, p. 246-250, 107; taken from Frederick S. Buchanan, “Faith in Schooling: Solving the Mormon Problem,” Review Journal of Philosophy and Social Science, vol. 3, 1978, p. 161, ISSN 0258-1701). Also cited in Scott C. Esplin, Education in Transition: Church and State, Relationships in Utah Education, 1888-1933, Ph.D. diss., BYU, 2006, p. 59.
[2] Robert L. Cambell, Territorial School Report, 1864-65; taken from History of Public Education in Utah by John C. Moffitt, p. 122.
Also Cambell wrote in that same report,
“Tuition fees range from four to six dollars per quarter for teaching the common branches…Schoolhouses have been (with few exceptions) built by voluntary contribution. There being no school fund available, fees for tuition are paid by the parents or guardians of the pupils, except in a few districts, where, in conformity with the provisions of last year’s school bill, a tax as assessed for that purpose” (Ibid.).
Also, “the most deeply rooted feelings are entertained against high taxation” (Ibid.).
In 1869 Cambell wrote, “Legislators from other counties represent that it would involve the assessment of such a heavy tax as but few of their constituents would be willing to pay” (Journals of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah, Eighteenth Annual Session, 1869, p. 177).
[3] Speaking of the non-Mormon denominational schools in Utah, Brigham Young once said, “if these schools can receive our children—and they are receiving many—and teach them without money and without price, send your children there” (Thomas B. H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints, 1873, pp. 704-705).
[4] On December12, 1853, Governor Young speaking to the Legislative Assembly of Utah pointed out that much of the territory is now settled and the population well established. Consequently,
…the people are better prepared than heretofore to pursue the more profitable avocations. You will therefore consider the necessities of the Territory, as well as the condition of the people...if you should find it in your power, consistently, to make provision for the further encouragement of education, for the support of common schools, for manufactures, for the payment of expenses incurred for the suppression of Indian aggression, to aid in the construction of the public buildings, for the erection of bridges, and the support of the poor, you will find them all objects worthy of your consideration, and dependent upon some degree upon the judicious patronage of a liberal government. (Brigham Young, “Governor’s Message,” Journal of the Legislative Ass. Of Utah, 1853; See also Millennial Star, April 8, 1854)
Also Governor Young said in 1854,
Hitherto, the cause of education has been entrusted with the Board (of regents) by the Legislature who probably conceived they had sufficiently discharged their duties by having invested the regents with full power and authority to act in relation to that subject. But it is a subject of vast importance, and involves trusts of too weighty consideration to be neglected for any reason at present existing. It is a subject fraught with momentous interest to us, and our youth, who are soon to become our representatives upon the earth, and will, if neglected, recoil with bitterness upon our own heads when too late to remedy. (Brigham Young, “Message to the Legislature,” Dec. 11, 1854; taken from Millennial Star, April 28, 1855)
[5] Apostle George Q. Cannon said in the April 1881 General Conference, “Let us advance education by individual effort. I hope we shall never have heavy taxes in this Territory” (“Education-Its Advantages Among the Saints Etc.,” JD 22:277).
[6] “It is stated that while there has been no affirmative teaching of polygamy in the public schools there have been many evidences of a respectful silence with reference to violations of the law against it” (Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1887-'88, p. 149)
[7] In 1877 the Liberal Party candidate for Territorial Superintendent of District Schools, M. W. Ashbrook, wrote,
The final and absolute emancipation of serfdom from Utah must be eventually achieved through the education of the masses…We demand a free public school system for Utah wherein sectarianism shall be wholly eliminated, and teachers in numbers and competent to impart knowledge to all and every child of our Territory…We desire taxation of all property, including that of churches, for the support of free schools. (Salt Lake Tribune, July 29, 1877, p. 4)
I should point out that Ashbrook was running against John Taylor, an Apostle in the Mormon church. In Salt Lake County, where most of the non-Mormons lived, Ashbrook received 1426 votes, and Taylor received 3812 (Salt Lake Tribune, August 12, 1877, p. 4, column 2). After the death of Brigham Young, John Taylor became the 3rd President of the Mormon church. Upon becoming church President Taylor resigned as Territorial Superintendent and selected his son-in-law, L. John Nutall, to replace him (Buchanan, Frederick S., “Brigham Young and the Schools of Utah,” History of Education Quarterly, vol. 22, no. 4, 1982, pp. 435-459, footnotes 18-20).
Prior to 1887 the Territorial Superintendent of District Schools was an elected official. But in 1887 the U.S. Congress abolished the position and ruled, “it shall be the duty of the Supreme Court of said Territory to appoint a commissioner of schools…” (Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1887-'88, p. 147).
For L. John Nuttall see C. G. Jensen, "A Biographical Study of Leonard John Nuttall," p. 104, MS thesis, BYU. For a list of Utah territorial superintendents see Tenth Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction of the State of Utah, 1914, p. 64.
[8] “No state admitted to the Union after 1858, excepting West Virginia, failed to insert such a provision [for free common schools] into its first state constitution” (Public Education in the United States, p. 180-181).
“…in 1871 the rate-bill had entirely disappeared throughout the Union. It was time it was abolished, for it was everywhere described as the ‘odious’ rate-bill” (The Free school system in the United States, p. 75).
For a list of the years the rate-bill was abolished in several states see A history of public permanent common school funds in the United States, 1795-1905, p. 27, and Public education in the United States: a study and interpretation of American educational history, p. 151.
[9] This article was presumably written by the editor, Charles W. Penrose.
[10] Education in Utah, Levi Edgar Young, “Education in Utah,” Improvement Era, July 1913, vol. 16, no. 9.
The first school in Utah was opened in October, 1847. The teacher was Mary Jane Dilworth (Hammond), and an old military tent shaped like an ordinary Indian wigwam served as a school room. Rough logs were used for seats, and the teacher's desk was an old camp stool, which had been brought across the plains. Maria Dilworth Nebeker says in her autobiography:
"I attended the first school in Utah taught by my sister, Mary Jane, in a small round tent seated with logs. The school was opened just three weeks after our arrival in the valley. The first morning we gathered before the door of the tent, and in the midst of our play, my sister called us and said, 'Come children, come; we will begin now.' There were just a few of us, I think only nine or ten. One of the brethren came in, and opened the school with prayer. I remember one thing he said. It was to the effect that 'we be good children and he asked God that the school would be so blessed that we all should have his holy light to guide us into all truth.' The first day, Mary Jane taught us the twenty-third Psalm, and we sang much, and played more."
Mary Jane Dilworth (Hammond), Utah's first school teacher, was of Quaker parentage, and was born in Westchester County, Pennsylvania, July 29, 1831. Her parents were Caleb and Eliza Dilworth, devout in their religion and steadfast in the adherence to principle. Caleb Dilworth's ancestors had taken an active part in the settlement of Pennsylvania, and his father was soldier in the colonial army under George Washington. The family became independent, in fact had some means, and early in the forties, they emigrated to the "Mormon" centre of Nauvoo, Illinois. They went through many of the harrowing persecutions of their people, and with the main body of "Mormons" made their way to Winter Quarters on the Missouri River, where they did their share in making preparation for the long journey of their people to the Rocky Mountains. While at Winter Quarters, Miss Dilworth taught a school in a little rock house. In 1847, she left with her people for "the promised land of the far West." There were some fifteen hundred souls in the company, under the personal direction and command of Jedediah M. Grant. Near Grand Island, the company was met by Brigham Young, who was returning to Winter Quarters. It was here that he "set Miss Dilworth apart to teach a school in the Old Fort."
[11] Young, L. E., “The Pioneers and Early Education,” The Utah Educational Review, April-May 1913, vol. 6, no. 8, pp. 38-43.
[12] Laws of Utah, “An Act in relation to common schools,” March 3, 1852.
The Deseret News reports, “No one who has read the school laws can doubt the power of the Trustees to assess and collect a tax to build a school house in their ward or district, and to keep the same in repair. But to impose a tax upon the citizens to pay the Teacher is unauthorized by law” (March 19, 1853, p. 3).
[13] Laws of Utah, “AN ACT in relations to the Assessment, Collection and Expenditure of a Tax for Road and other purposes within incorporated Cities,” June 4, 1853.
[Incorporated cities] are hereby authorized annually to assess, collect and expend the necessary tax for roads, streets, schools and other public purposes.(Chapter 59)
[14] Laws of Utah, “AN ACT relating to common schools,” Dec. 30, 1854.
Said trustees shall assess and collect a tax upon all taxable property in said district, at such rate per cent as may be decided upon by vote of the district meeting.
[15] About this J. C. Moffitt, Superintendent of Provo City Schools, wrote in 1946, “This democratic procedure of having the people determine the rate of taxation became the custom for may year, and did not always contribute to the welfare of the schools” (Moffitt, 1946, p. 135).
[16] Moffitt, “The History of Public Education in Utah,” 1946, p. 129-130; Ivins footnote 34-38, 40-42.
[17] “On September11, 1876, ‘the Trustees ordered that wheat be taken on delinquent school bills at 75c per bu….and that the Bishops of the several wards be requested to give the same notice in the war meeting, also….a quantity of wood at $5.00 per cord.’ On December 9, 1877, ‘It was decided [by the Board]….to collect the delinquent school bills & [the collector]….was authorized to receive 10 cords of wood at $5.00 per cord & good lumber at $18.00 a thousand, Mds., grain, fruit, Lath & Shingles at $4.50 per thousand’” (Moffitt, 1946, p. 127-128; brackets Moffitt’s).
See also Ivins footnote 34, 35.
[18] Ivins, footnote 35.
[19] Laws of Utah, “AN ACT Consolidating and amending the School Laws,” Jan. 18, 1865.
[20] Laws of Utah, “AN ACT for the establishment and support of common schools,” Jan. 19, 1866.
The Trustees shall provide a suitable school house or school houses and keep the same in repair, for which purpose they are hereby empowered to assess and collect annually a tax on all taxable property within their District, not exceeding one-fourth of one per cent.; should more than one-fourth of one per cent. be needed per annum to build and repair school houses, or for other school purposes...the rate may be increased to any sum not exceeding three per cent., as shall be decided by a vote of two-thirds of the tax payers voting at a meeting called for that purpose...and by a similar vote a tax may be assessed and collected, of any sum not exceeding one per cent. per annum, to pay Teachers and furnish fuel, books, maps and other suitable articles for school purposes. (Sec. 7)
[21] Ivins, footnote 47. See a letter signed “Basso” to the Deseret News, December 12, 1869. In 1881 the American Fork free school was still in operation, (Deseret News, April 6, 1881, p. 7, column 3-4)
[23] Ivins, footnote 46, 47, 48, 50; Salt Lake Herald, December 30, 1871
[25] Two free schools, in the 14th Ward and 6th Ward (Deseret News, Dec. 5, 1860, p. 8, column 3).
Free schools for Boys and Girls (Deseret News, June 6, 1860, p. 1).
Free school in the 25th school district (Deseret News, Feb. 4, 1874, p. 8, column 5).
Free tax supported school in Washington County (Deseret News, July 14, 1880, p. 14, column 1).
For a while free education was offered at the University of Deseret on the condition that those who received free education would teach for a number of years in the common schools (here).
[26] Ivins, footnote 43.
[27] Laws of Utah, “An Act further defining the duties of County and School District Collectors,” Feb. 16, 1872.
[28] Laws of Utah, “An act appropriating money for school purposes,” Feb. 20, 1874.
[29] O.H. Riggs, Territorial School Report, 1874-75; taken from J. C. Moffitt, The Development of Public School Finance in Utah, 1958, USU Special Collections, pp. 17-18.
[30] …the owner of any stud horse, jack or ridgil, over eighteen months old, or any ram over three months old, who shall permit the same to run at large...shall be liable to pay a fine of not less than one dollar nor more than twenty-five dollars for each offense, which fine may be recovered in any court having jurisdiction, and shall be paid into the county treasury for the benefit of common schools. (Laws of Utah, “An act pertaining to animals running at large…,” Feb. 20, 1874)
The county superintendents of district schools are hereby authorized and required to proceed against all delinquent district pound keepers, or other parties, who have failed to shall fail to pay the school funds due, or which hereafter become due, arising from the sales of estrays or from other sources… (Compiled Laws of Utah, 1876, vol. 1, part 3, p. 689; also here)
[31] Laws of Utah, “An Act for the establishment and support of district school, and for other purposes,” Feb. 18, 1876. Also quoted in its entirety in the Deseret News, March 15, 1876.
[32] Laws of the Territory of Utah, 1878, Ch. 8, Sec. 1; taken from Moffitt (1958), p. 19. For a newspaper commentary on this law see Deseret News, “What’s the three mills for?”, August 7, 1878, p. 8.
Other interesting quotes
In 1872 the Deseret News notes that the school houses in Utah County, “were crowded to their utmost capacity” (Deseret News, Jan. 3, 1872, p. 1, column 2).
Editor of Deseret News, “All in all, I cannot see that the much boasted free school system of the States would be any benefit to our people, situated as we are, and under the present circumstances” (Deseret News, May 10, 1876, p. 2, column 3).
St. George, Utah, a Deseret News Editor writes, “We have also a Presbyterian school here, conducted by persons who offer to teach free, to all who will attend. Thus far their patience has not been taxed by the large number of children they have had to teach, as, for some time, the school room and teacher were present, but the scholars did not put in an appearance, though now one or two apostates have begun to send their children, because, they say, it is a free school. Yet their names are found among those who voted against a free school here about one year ago” (Deseret News, Dec. 22, 1880, p. 10, col. 5)
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
